To Italy serves meddle with the Constitution: the institutional architecture designed by the Constituent Assembly of 1946 deserves a thorough reflection, in light of new political challenges that the new globalized millennium has launched the very idea of \u200b\u200bnation-state derivation Enlightenment and Renaissance.
It 'clear that the "institutional machinery" Italian is too slow and inadequate to respond effectively to the needs of our country: the many passaggi tecnici e le procedure eccessivamente arzigogolate che il nostro attuale ordinamento repubblicano impone alla politica, prima di poter avviare un momento di riforma profonda del sistema, sono da superare.
La paralisi riformista che interessa l’Italia può essere sorpassata solo con un’iniezione di decisionismo e di autonomia all’interno dell’ordinamento istituzionale italiano. Le garanzie democratiche pensate e costituzionalizzate, dai “padri costituenti”, in un clima storico di pericolo “totalitario” vanno, oggi, rilette alla luce delle necessità politiche contingenti e future.
Non serio né saggio credere che la Costituzione italiana sia intangibile e immodificabile: il miglior way to preserve the substance of things, sometimes, you just change in form. Institutional instruments of the Italian State has to be reconsidered as soon as possible key federalist: To provide a greater degree of autonomy and a stronger level of local decision to the ganglia of the greater proximity of institutional planning.
What Italy is also an urgent infusion of "political responsibility": it is necessary to simplify the institutional procedures, the bureaucracy and streamline the decision-makers so they can more easily assign specific responsibility for certain policy choices to the real creators of the same .
The Italian political class, dal periodo risorgimentale ad oggi, ha vissuto nell’illusione di poter scaricare le responsabilità di certe decisioni a livelli diversi: il Governo nazionale scarica il barile sulle Regioni, le Regioni scaricano il barile sugli enti amministrativi, provinciali e comunali, e questi ultimi scaricano, ovviamente, sui cittadini.
E chi paga, in fin dei conti, sono sempre i cittadini: famiglie, lavoratori e imprese. E’ proprio da qui che bisogna partire per ripensare l’architettura istituzionale e amministrativa del nostro Stato: la sovranità deve salire dal territorio e l’autorità dello Stato centrale non deve essere un postulato indiscutibile, ma deve essere il risultato della cooperazione delle varie sovranità regional.
At issue, these days, should not be put only the failure surface of our state machine: it is urgent and thorough reform also reflect the very concept of sovereignty derived from the people and territory.
Federalism is not a courtesy of the central state to the "periphery" Federalism is a sacred right that every people has self-determine its way through history. From this point of view, it is clear that only by granting greater political and economic autonomy to the "suburbs" the "center" will be certain logic of an automatic increase of responsibility.
Federalism, commonly said, everyone agrees: agrees that the North will hold the territory more resources than those mentioned, still, is sacked by Rome in Rome agreed that will automatically increase the level of virtuosity of the peripheral bodies (because they respond directly management of their citizens), and agrees well with the people of the South that will finally shed its elite patronage and mafia that has, over the years, slowed down and stifled the development of the south.
The historic struggle between institutional "power center" and "peripheral powers" is, ultimately, the clash between two well-defined political factions: on the one side are the supporters oppressive and totalitarian politics of Jacobin derivation and on the other hand, there are people who have no other ambition than to live in peace in a normal state.
E 'is time in which our people feel the irrepressible need for freedom and seriousness: the people, perhaps, is also prepared to make sacrifices, even of a fiscal nature, but as long as you really see a difference.
can no longer tolerate a state that throw away public money, we can no longer tolerate a state that favors the new arrivals in the granting of social benefits, it can no longer tolerate a state that let murderers and terrorists on the loose, can not longer tolerate a state that steals the North more than half of what the North has, it can no longer tolerate a state that allows the construction of outposts's terrorist on our soil.
This must change: the people want answers, invoking the claim.
The political class must be able to listen - just as can the Northern League - the feeling of the people. The political class must work out, having listened carefully to the people, to find satisfactory answers. But people do not want a paper or wind responses, responses to words, people want the facts, concrete.
As Umberto Bossi said in no uncertain terms: "The league is not interested in power come tale. Non pensa solo a conservarlo, ma se ne serve per mettere in pratica certe idee. Noi non cerchiamo gli applausi del pubblico. Mai la superficialità ha prevalso sui progetti di lungo impegno, capaci di trasformare la società. Questo è il nostro stile, ruvido magari, ma onesto. Questa è la nostra fede”.
E’ proprio per questa fede, che poi è amore della libertà, che la Lega sta quotidianamente dalla parte della gente, con la gente: per difendere quel sogno concreto ed epocale che si chiama Federalismo.
Quel sogno che, grazie alla Lega, sta progressivamente diventando realtà.
Emanuele Pozzolo
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